Aficionado

Politicians and Criminals: Two Decades of Turbulence, 1978-1998

The article analyzes the origin of increased corruption in Colombia in the last two decades, this corruption and violence have been cyclical, have sponsored in semi-legal behaviors like emerald trade in the 60s, these mafia groups have had enormous influence even politicians of all streams especially the Liberal Party in the last20 years, the primary endpoint was the drug trade, in 1990 this problem took a large extent, a president, dozens of members of Congress, public officials, and mayors were charged, and most of them were convicted for their involvement with drugs. The cartels' money has funded campaigns. We must mention the overwhelming presence of drug entrepreneurs in the conduct of the civil war, throughinfiltration of the state apparatus. Although called "Process 8000", for the prosecution, equivalent to Colombia "Clean Hands" in Italy, has done much to clean up politics, new links between politicians and criminals. How do the politicians and criminals in contemporary Colombia? This article attempts to answer this question. could easily speak of "narco-democracy", "narco-politics", "narco-guerrillas" or"narcocorruption," expressions that still have extraordinary strength, not only in the internal politics of Colombia and in the process of peace with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia. I will give special attention to some of the ways that traditional politicians (those belonging to one of the two major historic groups, the Liberal and Conservative) reacted to the infiltration of drugcartels in the electoral and political struggle. In particular, I want to discuss two main theses. The first, very common among journalists and many scholars of political life in Colombia, suggests that organized crime took over the activity-specific domains, like partisan politics or war, transforming them into tools to advance their own objectives. If so, one could easily speak of"narco-democracy" and the peace process with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia? FARC). The second argument is the drug trade as a vector of delay. In this view, there are two Colombias: a modern, urban, able to commit to with regard to the global agenda and act in a world of clear and stable rules, and other underdeveloped annuitant, a farm, which has a narrownationalism, and accustomed to illegality. Clientelistic politicians and drug traffickers belong to the second category. The National Latino Movement (MLN) of Carlos Lehder. Involved the participation of a legal drug cartel in politics, with its own major newspaper, the "parliamentary group" (in the departmental assemblies and municipal councils), and a life party regular. The MLN lasted about fiveyears (1982-1987), and its activity in the municipal councils survived the departure of Lehder and subsequently extradition. The Medellin cartel first tried to infiltrate the Liberal party. The critical period that determines a turning point in relations between politicians and organized crime, took place between the Liberal government of Alfonso López Michelsen (1974-1978) and Julio Cesar TurbayAyala (1978-1982), when?, Through a series of arrangements which allow, for example, washing intake of millions of dollars. The new wealth from the "marijuana prosperity" (bonanza marimbera) may appear in a more or less prosperous. The arrival of a conservative president adopted a discourse of peace and negotiation (Belisario Betancur 1982-1986) was hailed with joy by some drug lords who were thenin active politics. They hoped that the authorities not only dialogue with the guerrillas, but also with them (in fact some

unofficial advances that were made in this direction). It is also expected that the rediscovery of nationalism by Belisario Betancur poetic block the implementation of the extradition treaty between Colombia and the United States in 1978. The enthusiasm of the narcos for...